Music and Musicians in the Baburnama: An Analysis of Babur’s Narratives (1483–1530 CE)

 

 Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābur (1483–1530), Mughal miniature, ca. 1605–1615. 
British Museum. Public domain. Source: Wikimedia Commons. 

Music and Musicians in the Baburnama: An Analysis of Babur’s Narratives (1483–1530 CE)

ORCID: 0009-0004-0024-1223

Author: Islamuddin Firoz, Former Professor, Department

of Music, Faculty of Fine Arts, Kabul University

 

 

Abstract

This study examines the representation of music and musicians in the Baburnama, the memoirs of Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābur (1483–1530), with particular attention to his observations of musical practices, performers, instruments, and aesthetic judgments. As a ruler with strong cultural and literary interests, Babur documented numerous musicians and composers associated with the courts and cultural centers of Khorasan, Transoxiana, Kabul, and India. His accounts provide valuable evidence concerning instruments such as the qānūn, ʿūd, ghichak, nāy, chang, rubāb, and tanbur, as well as musical forms including naqsh and pīshraw. Through an analysis of these narratives, this study explores the social status of musicians, the relationship between performance and composition, musical innovation, and the circulation of artists across regional boundaries. The findings demonstrate that the Baburnama constitutes an important historical source for understanding the musical culture of the late Timurid and early Mughal periods. Babur’s detailed and critical observations also reveal his considerable familiarity with musical performance and aesthetics.

Keywords: Baburnama; Babur; Afghan Music History; Musical Culture; Timurid and Mughal Music

 

Introduction

Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābur (1483–1530) occupies a distinctive position in the cultural and political history of Central and South Asia. Although primarily remembered as the founder of the Mughal Empire in India, Babur was also a poet, writer, patron of the arts, and perceptive observer of the cultural life of his time. Born in Andijan in the Fergana Valley and later established in Kabul, he experienced the cultural environments of Transoxiana, Khorasan, Afghanistan, and northern India. These experiences shaped his intellectual and artistic outlook and are reflected extensively in his memoir, the Baburnama.

The Baburnama is more than a political or autobiographical account. It provides detailed observations on geography, nature, social customs, literature, architecture, and the arts, including music. Babur frequently identifies individual musicians and composers, describes the instruments they played, comments on their technical abilities, and evaluates their vocal or instrumental performances. His references to the qānūn, ʿūd, ghichak, nāy, chang, rubāb, and tanbur, as well as musical forms such as naqsh, sawt, and pīshraw, offer valuable insights into the musical practices of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.

This study analyzes Babur’s musical narratives in order to examine the status of musicians, the relationship between composition and performance, the circulation of musical traditions, and the aesthetic criteria reflected in his judgments. It argues that the Baburnama represents an important primary source for reconstructing the musical culture of the late Timurid and early Mughal world and provides evidence of the interconnectedness of musical traditions across Khorasan, Transoxiana, Kabul, and India.

 

Babur’s Observations on Music and Musicians

Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābur was not merely the founder of an empire; he was also a pivotal figure in a new era of cultural interaction and exchange among Transoxiana, Khorasan, and the Indian subcontinent. He was born on 14 February 1483 CE in Andijan, a city in the Fergana Valley of present-day Uzbekistan. From an early age, Babur grew up amid political turmoil, military defeat, and displacement. On his father’s side, he was a descendant of Amir Timur, while through his mother he traced his lineage to Chinggis Khan. This connection to two powerful dynastic traditions fostered in him a strong sense of historical destiny and ambition. Although he was repeatedly driven from Samarkand during his youth and lost his paternal domains, his character was not defined solely by warfare and political struggle. He also displayed a profound inclination toward culture, poetry, nature, and the arts—qualities that are vividly reflected in the Baburnama.

After years of conflict with the Uzbeks and the Shaybanids, Babur eventually captured Kabul in 910 AH (1505 CE). The conquest of Kabul was more than a military victory for him; the city became his principal base, providing him with a place amid mountains, gardens, and flowing water where he could find respite, reflect, and write. Kabul during Babur’s reign was a crossroads of cultures, attracting people from Khorasan, Badakhshan, Balkh, India, and even Iraq. This ethnic and cultural diversity created a favorable environment for the flourishing of the arts, particularly music. In Kabul, Babur established gardens, constructed buildings, and organized musical and convivial gatherings. Despite his reputation as a warrior, he possessed a refined aesthetic sensibility: he was knowledgeable about flowers, composed poetry, and took pleasure in listening to music.

After consolidating his position in Kabul, Babur eventually turned toward India and, following his victory at the Battle of Panipat in 932 AH (1526 CE), conquered Delhi. Yet even after his Indian conquests, his emotional attachment remained strongly connected to Kabul and the cultural world of Khorasan. His affinity with the cultural traditions of Khorasan and Transoxiana also shaped his musical preferences. The Baburnama reflects this connection: it records the names of musicians, musical instruments, musical practices, and even the author’s personal judgments concerning the quality of performances.

Beyond his role as a military and administrative ruler, Babur possessed a deep interest in art and culture and was a committed patron of literature, music, and the visual arts. His court became a gathering place for poets and scholars. Babur himself was a skilled writer, and his memoir, the Baburnama, constitutes both a narrative of his life and an expression of his literary sensibility.

The Baburnama provides a multifaceted portrait of everyday life, nature, customs, food, warfare, friendship, and the arts. Among these observations are particularly noteworthy passages devoted to music and musicians. With considerable precision and candor, Babur records the names of performers, the instruments they played, their musical styles, and even aspects of their personalities, as though he himself were a knowledgeable critic of the musical arts.

Among the musicians whom Babur mentions, Khwaja ʿAbdullah Marvarid is the first to receive particular attention. Babur writes that no one could equal him in playing the qānūn. With its numerous strings and clear resonance, the qānūn is a delicate and technically demanding instrument, requiring both acute aural sensitivity and considerable finger dexterity. Babur’s praise of Khwaja ʿAbdullah indicates that the musical traditions of the Timurid and post-Timurid courts continued to preserve sophisticated and learned musical practices and that accomplished instrumentalists enjoyed a high social status.

Another musician mentioned by Babur is Qul Muhammad ʿŪdī, an artist who was skilled not only in playing the ʿūd but also the ghichak. Babur notes that he attached three additional horsehair strings to the ghichak, a subtle reference to innovation in the construction of the instrument. The ghichak is a bowed string instrument characterized by a penetrating and expressive tone, and the addition of strings could expand its tonal range. Qul Muhammad was particularly renowned for composing pīshraws, and Babur explicitly states that no one had composed as many fine pīshraws as he had, although he had not achieved the same level of distinction in other areas. This assessment suggests that, during this period, the composition of structured instrumental pieces resembling preludes was regarded as an independent artistic skill.

Shaykhī Nāyī is another prominent figure. He played the ʿūd and ghichak and had mastered the nāy from the age of twelve. Babur’s account of a musical gathering held by Badīʿ al-Zamān Mirza provides a vivid illustration of artistic competition. Qul Muhammad was unable to perform a particular melody on the ghichak and described the instrument as “incomplete.” Shaykhī, however, took the same instrument and performed the melody accurately and skillfully. This anecdote demonstrates not only Shaykhī’s technical ability but also the contemporary belief that the quality or deficiency of a musical performance depended less on the instrument itself than on the performer’s skill and artistic sensibility. Shaykhī was said to possess such extensive knowledge of melodic structures that he could identify the appropriate pardah or tonal position for each melody. Nevertheless, he composed relatively few works, with only one or two naqshes attributed to him. He therefore appears to have been primarily a performer rather than a prolific composer.

Shah Qulī Ghichakī, who was originally from Iraq and studied the instrument in Khorasan, is another musician recorded by Babur. He composed numerous naqshes and pīshraws and had made considerable progress in his art. The movement of musicians between Iraq, Khorasan, and Transoxiana points to the existence of a broad cultural network that transcended political boundaries.

Husayn ʿŪdī is also included in Babur’s account. He was a musician who played the ʿūd “with taste” and performed what Babur described as “tasty things.” Babur even comments on his manner of tuning or arranging the strings, noting that he played the strings of the ʿūd individually or in a particular configuration. This may have referred to a specific tuning system or performance technique. Yet Babur’s account also contains criticism: Husayn ʿŪdī was said to perform “with considerable affectation.” The story of Shaybānī Khan ordering him to perform, followed by his eventual execution, reflects the harsh political atmosphere of the courts of the period, in which artists, despite their artistic refinement, could remain vulnerable to absolute political authority. Babur’s strong judgment of this episode also illustrates his characteristically direct and sometimes uncompromising narrative style.

Among the composers, Ghālam Shādī, the son of the singer Shādī, occupies a distinctive position. Although he was not equal to some of the other musicians in instrumental performance, he possessed exceptional skill in composing sawt and naqsh. Babur states that no one had composed as many pieces as he had. This distinction between the performer and the composer suggests that musical composition was recognized as an independent artistic discipline. Mīr ʿIzzū and Banāʾī are also mentioned as composers whose works were few in number but regarded as musically refined and aesthetically pleasing.

A particularly remarkable figure is Pahlawān Muḥammad Bū Saʿīd, who was renowned as one of the foremost wrestlers of his time but also composed poetry and created sawts and naqshes. This combination of physical strength and artistic refinement recalls the ideal of the insān-i kāmil, or “perfect human,” in the Khorasani-Timurid cultural tradition: a person who was simultaneously strong, artistic, and eloquent. Babur refers to one of his fine naqshes in the Chahargah mode, demonstrating his familiarity with specific modal structures and musical traditions.

In Kabul, Babur mentions Nūrullah, a tanbur player, as well as another musician whose name he does not provide. The presence of the tanbur, an ancient instrument deeply rooted in the musical traditions of Khorasan and Transoxiana, indicates that local musical traditions continued alongside courtly musical practices. Babur’s description of the ṭarabkhāna in Herat also provides an architectural image of a dedicated musical space: a two-story structure situated within a garden, with chambers at its four corners and a central area. Such a space was presumably designed for regular musical performances and gatherings of musicians. It is reasonable to infer that a group of musicians may have been permanently associated with the venue and performed there during royal celebrations and festivities.

Elsewhere, Babur describes a musical gathering in Herat and mentions Hāfiz Hāji, Jalāl al-Dīn Maḥmūd Nāyī, and Shādī Bacha. He writes that Shādī Bacha played the chang (harp), while Hāfiz Hāji was a fine singer. Babur characterizes the vocal style of the people of Herat as “low, delicate, and smooth.” He also refers to Jahāngīr Mirza, who had a singer named Mīrjān from Samarkand. According to Babur, Mīrjān sang in a loud, coarse, and uneven voice. Babur recounts that on one occasion, while intoxicated, Jahāngīr Mirza ordered Mīrjān to sing; however, his voice was unusual, loud, coarse, and lacking in aesthetic beauty. Babur adds that the people of Khorasan possessed refined musical tastes and that if one listener became displeased with the performance or another frowned, no one dared to restrain Mīrjān or prevent him from continuing to sing. This observation demonstrates that Babur possessed sufficient musical knowledge to distinguish subtle qualities and deficiencies in the vocal performances of singers.

Babur also refers to the dancing of Yūsuf ʿAlī Kukaltāsh at a nocturnal gathering, describing him as a person “well versed in the principles” (ṣāḥib-i uṣūl). This observation indicates that dance, like music, was governed by recognized conventions and principles. Elsewhere, Babur mentions a Qalandar named Shāhī and a musician named Rubbābī Kārezī, further demonstrating the presence of music in diverse social settings.

Babur’s reference to “the time of the naqāra” is also significant. The playing of the naqāra was not limited to entertainment; it was also used to announce the time of the morning prayer, convey information, and regulate aspects of urban life. Music in this period therefore functioned not merely as entertainment but was also integrated into social and religious structures.

Alongside these observations, Babur’s references to Mawlānā Jāmī and Amīr ʿAlī-Shīr Navāʾī reveal the inseparable relationship between poetry and music. Poetic collections were recited and sung, poems were transformed into sawt, and the boundaries between poet and musician could at times become fluid. The cultural environment of Babur’s era continued the Timurid tradition of Herat, in which different art forms converged: architecture, garden design, calligraphy, poetry, and music.

Taken together, these observations portray Babur not merely as the conqueror of Delhi but as a perceptive observer of the artistic life of his time. He knew musical instruments, recognized differences between performance styles, documented innovations, and described the personalities of musicians with humor and candor. This level of attention makes the Baburnama an exceptionally valuable source for the study of the musical culture of the ninth and tenth centuries AH.

Thus, beneath the eventful life of a ruler who traveled from Fergana to Kabul and from Kabul to Delhi, there emerges a network of melodies, instruments, and musicians that connected the Khorasani-Timurid cultural sphere with India. Music, in this context, functioned as a shared language of human expression—a language that retained its vitality even amid warfare and political upheaval. The reign of Babur, despite its political violence, was culturally vibrant and artistically dynamic. The names he recorded constitute echoes of this musical world, in which the sounds of the qānūn, ghichak, ʿūd, nāy, chang, rubāb, and tanbur resonated through gardens and ṭarabkhānas, intertwining music with the historical memory of the period.


Conclusion

The Baburnama provides valuable and multifaceted evidence for understanding the musical culture of Central and South Asia during the late Timurid and early Mughal periods. Babur’s references to musicians, composers, instruments, musical forms, and performance practices demonstrate that music occupied an important position within the cultural and social life of the courts and urban centers of his time. His accounts not only identify prominent musicians but also reveal differences in their artistic abilities, professional status, and relationships with rulers and cultural institutions.

The musical references in the Baburnama further indicate the circulation and interaction of musical traditions across Transoxiana, Khorasan, Kabul, and India. Babur’s descriptions of instruments such as the qānūn, ʿūd, ghichak, nāy, chang, rubāb, and tanbur, together with his references to forms such as naqsh, sawt, and pīshraw, provide important historical evidence for the diversity and development of musical practices during this period. These references also suggest that musicians and musical traditions moved across political and geographical boundaries, contributing to a dynamic process of cultural exchange.

Equally significant is Babur’s personal engagement with music. His evaluations of performances, musicians, and musical compositions reveal an informed and critical musical sensibility rather than a merely incidental interest in the arts. His observations therefore offer insights not only into what music was performed, but also into how musical excellence, creativity, and performance were perceived by an educated member of the ruling elite.

Overall, the Baburnama should be regarded as an important primary source for the historical study of music in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Although it was not written as a treatise on music, its scattered yet detailed musical references contribute substantially to the reconstruction of the musical history of the Timurid and early Mughal worlds. A systematic examination of these references, in conjunction with contemporary Persian, Central Asian, and South Asian sources, can provide a deeper understanding of the continuity, transformation, and intercultural exchange that shaped the musical traditions of the region.


Reference

1. Bābur, Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad. (2007). Bāburnāma. Translated and edited by Shafīqah Yāqīn. Kabul: Afghanistan Academy of Sciences.      
2. Satbir. Kumar, Raj. (2018). A Historiography of Babur to Aurangzeb in the Mughal Empire. ournal of Advances and Scholarly Researches in Allied EducationVol. XV, Issue No. 6, August-2018, ISSN 2230-7540.

3. Obidov, Asadbek. (2025). Babur: Forging  the  Mughal  Empire Through Governance    and    Culture. journal of international scientific research Volume 2, Issue 8,April, 2025.     

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