Afghan Pop Music from the 1950s to the 1980s: Formation, Modernization, Media, and Socio-Political Transformations
Afghan Pop Music from the 1950s to the 1980s: Formation, Modernization,
Media, and Socio-Political Transformations
ORCID: 0009-0004-0024-1223
Author: Islamuddin Firoz, Former Professor, Department
of Music, Faculty of Fine Arts, Kabul University
Abstract
Afghan pop music between the 1950s and the 1980s was one of the most
important manifestations of cultural modernization and the emergence of urban
culture in the country. This artistic movement developed alongside the
expansion of radio, transformations in the educational system, urbanization,
and Afghanistan’s increasing interaction with cultural currents from India,
Iran, Central Asia, and the West. Radio Afghanistan, which had become one of
the principal centers for the production and broadcasting of music since the
1940s, provided opportunities in subsequent decades for amateur and
professional singers, composers, and musicians to participate in musical life.
Gradually, a form of urban music emerged that combined indigenous, regional,
and European elements.
The introduction of instruments such as the accordion, piano, guitar,
drums, organ, and European wind instruments alongside the rubab, tabla,
harmonium, and other traditional instruments contributed to the formation of a
new sonic language. The emergence of artists such as Zaland, Ahmad Zahir,
Sarban, Nashenas, Zahir Howaida, Ahmad Wali, Haider Salim, and others,
alongside female singers including Parwin, Rakhshana, Afsana, Farida Mahwash,
Zhila, Salma, Parasto, Hangama, and many others, broadened the social reach of
this genre. Television, radio studios, and concerts also played an important
role in consolidating and expanding it.
The findings indicate that the 1960s and 1970s were the peak period of
innovation in Afghan pop music. Nevertheless, war, censorship, migration, and
the collapse of cultural institutions seriously disrupted the continuity of
this experience. This article argues that Afghan pop music was not simply the
result of imitation of Western music; rather, it was a creative process of
producing a sound that was modern while remaining indigenous—a sound that
emerged in Kabul, spread through national radio and television, and
subsequently reached Iran, Central Asia, and Afghan diaspora communities.
Keywords: Afghan Pop Music; Cultural Modernization; Radio Afghanistan; Urban Culture; Musical Hybridization; Media; Gender.
Introduction
Afghan pop music cannot be regarded merely as the result of imitation of
Western music. Rather, its emergence was the product of the interaction and
coexistence of several musical traditions and social processes that intensified
in Afghanistan from the middle of the twentieth century onward. Afghan society
had a long musical history even before the emergence of pop music. Local
musical traditions, Indian classical music, Persian ghazal singing, Pashto
music, court music, and religious music had created a diverse range of
performance and transmission practices. From the 1950s onward, however, the
mediatization of music and the expansion of radio created conditions under
which music moved beyond local, family, and professional circles into the
public and national sphere. Radio Afghanistan gradually became the most
important institution for the production, informal education, recruitment, and
broadcasting of music. Its role in the formation of urban music became so
fundamental that scholars have regarded the period from the 1950s to the late
1970s as an era of flourishing Afghan music.
Within this process, Kabul became the principal center of transformation.
Urbanization, the expansion of schools, increasing contact with foreign
countries, and the presence of educated students and civil servants created new
musical tastes. European instruments, new methods of arrangement, song
structures, and recording technologies were combined with traditional elements,
giving rise to a form of pop music that was neither entirely Western nor a
direct continuation of traditional music. This article examines the development
of this music from the 1950s to the end of the 1970s and its continuation into
the 1980s, focusing on the roles of radio, television, studios, musical groups,
singers and composers, European and traditional instruments, women’s participation,
concerts, political and social conditions, and the regional position of Afghan
music. Its main objective is to demonstrate that Afghan pop music was the
product of an indigenous process of absorption and reinvention rather than
merely the acceptance of foreign music.
Afghan Pop Music
The first stage in the formation of Afghan pop music should be traced to
the transformation of the musical environment during the 1950s. Kabul Radio,
which had resumed its activities in the 1940s, gradually developed during this
period from a state communication medium into an important institution in
cultural life (Abdullaeva, Gafurova 2024, p. 9). Before this, music was
transmitted mainly through live performances, family gatherings, urban social
circles, the royal court, religious centers, and traditional networks of
musicians. Radio changed this system because a single performance could reach
listeners in different cities and regions at the same time. In this way, the
medium not only expanded the audience for music but also contributed to the
emergence of a new conception of “national music.” Musicological research
indicates that Radio Afghanistan, during the middle decades of the twentieth
century, became a center for innovation, the recruitment of musicians and
singers, and the creation of orchestras and small musical groups.
At this stage, pop music did not yet have a clearly defined identity. Many
performances that were later described in the history of Afghan music as pop
were in fact combinations of local music, ghazal, Indian classical music, and
new urban elements. The importance of this period lay in the realization among
musicians that familiar Afghan melodies and patterns could be accompanied by
new rhythms and instruments. On the one hand, radio gave traditional music
legitimacy and a broad audience; on the other, it enabled the younger
generation to experiment with new modes of performance. Thus, Afghan pop music
emerged from the outset at the boundary between tradition and modernity.
One of the most important changes during this period was the introduction
and consolidation of European instruments. The accordion, piano, violin,
saxophone, guitar, and various percussion instruments gradually became part of
urban orchestras. Later, electric instruments such as the organ and electric
guitar also entered the musical sphere. These instruments were not merely new
tools; they provided new possibilities for harmony, rhythm, vocal
accompaniment, and arrangement. At the same time, the rubab, tabla, harmonium,
delruba, and other regional instruments continued to be used. The result was
the emergence of orchestras whose sonic structure could not simply be
classified as either “Western” or “traditional.” Sources on the history of
Afghan music likewise emphasize the formation of mixed Radio Afghanistan
orchestras that used traditional and European instruments simultaneously.
This combination gradually created the distinctive language of Afghan pop
music. Melodies often had their roots in Persian, Pashto, Indian, or local
music, while their arrangements employed new harmonic and rhythmic patterns. In
some performances, the tabla retained its primary rhythmic role, while the
guitar or organ created the harmonic structure. In others, European wind
instruments and the violin gave the melodies a new color. This process
demonstrates that musical modernization in Afghanistan was based more on
“combination” than on replacement. Musicians incorporated foreign instruments
into an existing musical language and adapted them to Afghan listening tastes.
Radio Afghanistan played a decisive role in this process and became an
important center of musical creativity. From the 1950s through the end of the
1970s, Kabul Radio became the most influential platform (Bukovich, 2018, p.
33). John Baily’s research likewise shows that Kabul Radio had become a center
for innovation and support for the development of popular music from the late
1940s onward. In a country that at the time lacked a large and independent
commercial music industry, specialized music colleges, and a widespread network
of private studios, radio brought almost all stages of music production
together within a single institution. A musician or singer could become known
through radio, collaborate with composers and musicians, perform in its
orchestras, and eventually become a public figure (Baily, 1981, p. 1). Radio
was therefore not merely a broadcasting medium; it also functioned as a center
for production, education, employment, and talent development.
In the 1960s, this process accelerated. A new generation of educated and
urban young people entered the musical field, many of whom did not necessarily
come from professional musical families. This was significant because Afghan
music had previously depended to a considerable extent on master-apprentice
networks and musical families. The entry of young people from schools and the
middle and upper classes created a new environment. They heard Indian, Iranian,
Pakistani, and Western music through radio, cinema, and musical records and
sought to connect these experiences with Afghan music. A prominent example was
Ahmad Zahir, who formed a group with his classmates while studying at Habibia
High School and performed at school programs and public gatherings. This
experience demonstrates that Afghan pop music did not emerge solely from within
official state institutions; the educated younger generation also participated
in its creation. Amateur groups were, in fact, early laboratories for the
fusion of Western and Afghan music (Sakata, 2012).
Nevertheless, Ahmad Zahir was the most important symbol of this period. His
significance lay not only in his distinctive voice or extraordinary popularity
but also in his method of combining diverse elements. He fused Persian poetry,
particularly the ghazal and classical literature, with Western instrumentation,
new rhythms, and popular song structures. His works simultaneously reflected
Indian classical music, Afghan folk music, Iranian music, and Western pop
arrangements. He used the accordion and organ and later electric instruments;
in some works, harmonic and rhythmic structures associated with jazz and Latin
music can also be heard. Thus, being “modern” in his music did not mean
abandoning tradition; rather, it meant redefining tradition within a new sonic
framework.
Composers and arrangers were also of great importance in this
transformation. Afghan pop music was not the product of a single singer; it
resulted from collaboration among poets, composers, arrangers, musicians, and
sound engineers. Figures such as Farrokh Effendi, Barshana, Ustad Khyal, Ustad
Hashim, Nainawaz, Shah Wali, the lyricist, Ustad Sarmast, and Ustad Nangyali
collaborated with many singers. This professional network developed within the
radio and studio environment and transformed songs from individual performances
into multilayered productions (Massoumi, 2022, p. 706).
Alongside Ahmad Zahir, a range of other singers contributed to a diverse
musical environment. Sarban occupied an important place in urban music and
romantic expression. Nashenas, whose roots also lay in Pashto literary and
musical traditions, helped extend music beyond ethnic boundaries. Zaland, Ustad
Khyal, Zahir Howaida, Rahim Ghamzada, Ahmad Wali, Haider Salim, and numerous
other singers each attracted new audiences through their distinctive styles and
voices. Composers and arrangers also played a less visible but fundamental
role, because transforming a melody or poem into a radio song required
arrangement, instrument selection, rhythm, ensemble coordination, and recording
technology. Consequently, the history of Afghan pop music should not be
understood merely as the history of famous singers. Behind every recognizable
voice stood a network of musicians, composers, poets, arrangers, and studio
personnel.
The development of urban music during the 1960s and 1970s was not limited
to individual singers. Gradually, the emergence of youth musical groups opened
new horizons for Afghan music. In Kabul, some young people who were familiar
with modern education and Western musical culture began forming groups whose
mode of operation differed fundamentally from the practices common in
traditional musical circles. Among these developments, the names “Char
Baradaran” and “Setara” received particular attention. Members of these groups
generally came from affluent and educated families and, through their
connections with the outside world, had greater exposure to the latest European
and American musical trends. Their activities can therefore be regarded as one
of the signs of the introduction of modern group performance into Afghanistan’s
musical environment.
“Char Baradaran” held a special position in the formation of this movement.
The group’s style of activity and appearance were to some extent influenced by
popular Western bands, particularly the Beatles. This influence led members of
the group to be referred to in some oral accounts and recollections of the
period as the “Beatles.” The importance of Char Baradaran was not limited to
their choice of Western music; they also offered a different model of
collaboration among several young musicians, in which each member had a
specific responsibility within the collective performance and Western
instruments formed the central texture of the music.
A few years later, “Setara” also became one of the leading modern musical
groups in Kabul. Formed in 1968, the group consisted of five musicians and,
unlike traditional orchestras, based its work primarily on Western instruments.
The members performed popular international songs at various events,
particularly in Kabul’s nightclubs, and the use of English in part of their
repertoire demonstrated their direct connection with contemporary global
musical trends. Nevertheless, the group’s activities were not limited to
reproducing foreign music. They sometimes selected Afghan songs as well and
gave them a different form and character by using new sonic possibilities.
Electric guitar, bass guitar, drums, and organ were among the instruments that
played a role in these experiments. Thus, some elements of indigenous music
were reworked for the first time in a form close to the pop and rock music of
the period.
The emergence of these groups coincided with a period when Radio
Afghanistan and, subsequently, national television were the principal gateways
through which an artist could enter the professional music scene. Recording and
broadcasting a work in the studios of these institutions was not merely an
artistic experience for a musician or singer; it also constituted a form of
professional recognition and official introduction to the musical community.
For this reason, state studios played a very important role in determining
artists’ paths to fame and establishing their positions.
The growth of this group culture continued with the emergence of other
bands. The formation of the “Shine” group by Wahid Qasemi was another example
of this trend. Qasemi himself came from a family with a recognized background
in Afghanistan’s classical music, and his presence created a link between the
earlier musical heritage and the new tendencies of young people.
One important consequence of this transformation was the change in the way
Afghan pop songs were constructed. The guitar, particularly the electric
guitar, gradually developed from a secondary instrument into one of the
foundations of accompaniment in urban songs, while the use of its chords made
possible melodies and arrangements different from earlier patterns. A number of
songs that later became firmly embedded in the collective memory of the Afghan
people emerged in this new environment and were based on the chordal structures
of Western instruments (BBC, 2013).
Alongside these developments, the entry of women into radio music was one
of the most important social changes. In a society where women’s public
performance faced social and gender-based restrictions, radio created a
different kind of opportunity: a woman could introduce her voice into the
public sphere without physically appearing before all listeners. Fereshteh and
Samea Mirzad were among the first women to sing on radio, but social
restrictions prevented them from continuing along this path. After them, Azada,
Nahid, Alamtaj, and Mrs. Parwin successively entered the radio music scene.
Rakhshana subsequently became one of the recognized voices of the 1960s, while
singers such as Zhila, Salma, Afsana, Parasto, Qamar Gul, Homa, Hangama, and
particularly Farida Mahwash expanded the scope of women’s participation
(Hosainsada, 2021).
Women’s participation was not merely a musical development; it reflected
broader social changes in Afghanistan. The governments of the period,
particularly within the modernization climate of the 1960s and 1970s,
encouraged education, media, and women’s participation in certain areas of
public life, although this process was not uniform throughout the country.
Radio music enabled women to become part of the public cultural sphere. Farida
Mahwash was a prominent example of this trajectory and became a national figure
in the 1970s. The granting of the title “Ustad” to her was also symbolically
significant, since this title in Afghan musical tradition was generally
associated with male masters and professional musicians (Sonneborn, 2011).
By the late 1960s and the first half of the 1970s, music production began
moving away from exclusive dependence on radio, and the cassette market became
increasingly important. Historical research indicates that commercial cassette
production and distribution in Kabul expanded from the early 1970s, while three
major studios—“Afghan Music,” “Music Center,” and “Ariana Music”—were active
alongside radio. These studios required government licenses for publication and
duplication; thus, the music industry gained commercial opportunities while
remaining under state supervision. The cassette represented a fundamental
change: listeners were no longer required to hear music at a specific time on a
radio program. They could play music at home, at weddings, in taxis, and at
social gatherings, and could duplicate the tapes. Through this process, Afghan
music reached Iran, Pakistan, Central Asia, and diaspora communities.
Radio Afghanistan played a dual role in this process. On the one hand, it
was an instrument of cultural modernization; on the other, it was a
state-controlled medium. Afghan governments understood the importance of radio
for public education, the creation of national identity, and the connection of
different regions of the country (Slobin, 1974, p. 247). During the period of
Mohammad Daoud Khan, radio was also regarded as a means of education and
national unity. This policy enabled the local music of different regions to be
broadcast nationally through radio orchestras. As a result, radio not only
nationalized urban pop music but also brought many elements of local music into
the national sphere.
National television also introduced this process into a new phase during
the 1970s. If radio brought a singer’s “voice” to fame, television also
introduced the singer’s face, clothing, performance style, and stage presence
to the audience. This contributed to the emergence of a star culture. A singer
was no longer merely the owner of a voice; appearance, stage movements,
accompanying musicians, and lifestyle also became part of the artistic persona.
Consequently, pop music became one of the elements of urban youth culture.
Historical research on radio and popular culture in Afghanistan also indicates
that music during this period became connected with issues such as gender,
politics, fashion, beauty, identity, and social relations.
During this period, Nowruz celebrations, Independence Day, other national
and cultural programs, and concerts also played an important role in the
development of pop music. School and student performances in the 1960s
developed into more public programs, while Kabul’s halls and cinemas became
venues for new singers. In 1975, the first international Kabul Rock Festival
was held, signaling the presence of global musical currents in the capital.
This event, alongside radio performances and public programs, demonstrates that
pop music was no longer merely a form of domestic or radio entertainment; it
had become part of Kabul’s urban culture and social life (Baily, 1981, p. 1).
From a social perspective, pop music, particularly in Kabul, became closely
associated with the young and educated generation. School groups, university
students, and urban employees were the primary consumers of the new music.
However, the popularity of pop did not remain confined to the urban middle
class. Radio enabled music to cross class and geographic boundaries, making
many performers known throughout the country. This process was important in the
formation of a shared Afghan popular culture. Music became one of the few
domains in which different languages, ethnic groups, and traditions could
coexist within a common media space.
Pashto, Persian, Herati, Northern, and other regional musical traditions
were brought together. The regional position of Afghan music was also
significant. Linguistic and literary commonalities with Iran and Tajikistan,
historical connections with Indian music, and cultural links with Pakistan
enabled the works of Afghan singers to be heard beyond the country’s borders.
The poetry of Hafez, Rumi, and other Persian-language poets, alongside
Afghanistan’s local languages, increased the music’s ability to communicate
with regional audiences. Afghan pop music therefore became part of the broader
network of Persian-language and South Asian music while retaining its
distinctive voice.
The relationship between the state and music during this period was dual.
On the one hand, the state regarded music as an important instrument for
education, cultural formation, the presentation of national identity, and the
projection of a modern image of Afghanistan. The establishment and development
of radio, support for orchestras, and the use of music in government programs
stemmed from this outlook. On the other hand, music was produced within a state
environment and was not completely free. What was broadcast on radio had to
conform to prevailing cultural and moral policies. Nevertheless, compared with
subsequent periods, the 1960s and much of the 1970s provided a highly favorable
environment for the growth of urban music. Radio even became a place of contact
between artists, politicians, intellectuals, and cultural elites.
Despite all this, the growth of pop music did not occur in a political
vacuum. From the outset, the Afghan state paid attention to media and music as
instruments of cultural formation. During the monarchy, radio served the
creation of national identity and the presentation of a modern image of the
country. During the republic of Daoud Khan, the cultural environment initially
remained relatively open, but political control gradually increased. During
this period, music could express nationalism and modernization, but when it addressed
poverty and inequality, it could also become a language of criticism.
Ahmad Zahir was an important example of this situation. He initially
supported the political change of 1973, but as the government became
increasingly authoritarian, some of his works addressed social and political
issues. Recent research has shown that following the transformations of 1978,
the political content of his works increased and some songs faced government
censorship. Under such conditions, cassette tapes acquired new importance
because banned works could circulate outside the official radio network
(Massoumi, 2022, p. 706).
National Television of Afghanistan officially began broadcasting on August
19, 1978, shortly after the coup of the People’s Democratic Party. This medium
provided new possibilities for presenting musical performances, introducing
artists, and connecting image with sound, but it was simultaneously subject to
strict state control. John Baily’s research indicates that state television,
alongside radio, became a tool for introducing a new phase of musical activity,
while at the same time the Ministry of Information and Culture increased its
control over broadcast content (Baily, 1981, p. 1). Nevertheless, artists who
had been symbols of modernity and popular culture in the previous decade were
now working in an environment in which politics exerted a powerful influence on
cultural production.
The Saur Coup of 1978 was a major turning point. Political instability,
repression, war, and subsequently Soviet military intervention in 1979
transformed the country’s cultural conditions. Sources on the history of Afghan
music indicate that after 1978, music was strongly affected by political
developments and state control over musical activities increased. The death of
Ahmad Zahir in 1979 was also symbolically regarded as the end of one of the
brightest periods of Afghan pop music, although musical activity did not come
to a complete halt (Massoumi, 2022, p. 706).
The 1980s were therefore a period of duality. On the one hand, some musical
institutions and state media continued to operate, and music could serve the
government’s cultural programs. On the other hand, war and social polarization
reduced the possibility of the natural development of pop music. Artists faced
censorship, political pressure, insecurity, and migration. Many musicians
migrated in subsequent decades to Pakistan, Iran, Europe, and North America. In
this way, the development of Afghan music shifted from a cultural industry
concentrated in Kabul to a dispersed and transnational network (Sakata, 2012,
p. 20).
Despite these difficulties, the legacy of the 1950s through the 1970s did
not disappear. The combination of rubab and guitar, tabla and drums, harmonium
and organ, ghazal and pop rhythms, Persian and Pashto poetry, and European
instrumentation remained an important model for later generations. Migrant
musicians carried this musical language to cities in Iran, Pakistan, Europe,
and North America and contributed to the formation of a transnational musical
identity. Research on Afghan migrant music also indicates that pop music has
remained one of the principal elements in preserving cultural identity among
Afghans living abroad.
The strengths of this transformation were extensive. Pop music contributed
to the creation of a shared cultural identity, increased communication among
regions, professionalization of parts of musical activity, women’s entry into
the public artistic sphere, the development of arrangement and orchestration
skills, and cultural engagement with the wider world. Most importantly, this
music demonstrated that modernization did not necessarily mean abandoning
tradition. The combination of the rubab and tabla with guitar and organ, or
Persian and Pashto poetry with new rhythms, represented a form of modernity
that emerged within the Afghan experience. At the same time, there were serious
challenges: heavy dependence on radio and state institutions, a weak private
recording industry, the absence of systematic archives, social restrictions on
women, the vulnerability of music to political change, and ultimately the
destruction or dispersal of a significant portion of the country’s sonic
heritage as a result of war.
From this perspective, the development of Afghan pop music from 1950 to
1980 can be understood in three broad stages: a formative stage during the
1950s and early 1960s; a stage of flourishing and professionalization during
the 1960s and 1970s; and a stage of increasing disruption and politicization in
the late 1970s and early 1980s. In the first stage, radio and new instruments
provided opportunities for experimentation. In the second, singers, groups,
studios, television, and concerts created a relatively complete pop culture. In
the third, war and political crisis destabilized this network. The historical
significance of this period lies in the fact that, in less than three decades,
Afghanistan moved from a predominantly traditional musical environment toward a
culture in which the pop singer, musical group, recording studio, concert, and
television star had become familiar elements of urban life.
Conclusion
Afghan pop music between the 1950s and 1980 should be regarded as one of
the most prominent manifestations of social and cultural transformation in
modern Afghanistan. This music did not emerge in a vacuum; it developed on the
foundation of rich local traditions, Persian and Pashto music, the heritage of
Indian classical music, and urban culture, and subsequently evolved under the
influence of music from Iran, Pakistan, India, Central Asia, and the West. Its
defining characteristic was not the elimination of tradition but the
rearrangement of tradition within new forms. This characteristic allowed
instruments such as the rubab, tabla, and harmonium to coexist with the guitar,
piano, accordion, violin, wind instruments, and later the organ and electric
guitar, producing a distinctive sonic language.
Radio Afghanistan was the most important institution in this
transformation. Radio not only brought music to the entire country but also
served as a studio, recruitment center, informal school, and platform for fame.
National television in the 1970s completed this process by transforming popular
voices into public figures. As a result, singers such as Zaland, Ahmad Zahir,
Sarban, Nashenas, Zahir Howaida, Parwin, Rakhshana, Farida Mahwash, Afsana,
Salma, and others became symbols of a particular cultural period. Women’s
participation in radio and pop music likewise reflected important social
changes and, to some extent, expanded the boundaries of women’s presence in the
public sphere.
Socially and regionally, Afghan pop music was able to build bridges among
different linguistic and cultural groups. Music produced in Kabul reached
different parts of the country through radio while itself being influenced by
Afghanistan’s diverse traditions and those of neighboring countries. Thus, this
music was simultaneously national and transnational. Politically, the state
regarded music for much of this period as part of the project of modernization
and national culture. However, music’s heavy dependence on state institutions,
the weakness of the private industry, and political developments increased its
vulnerability. After 1979, war and instability profoundly affected the network
that had been built over several decades.
Ultimately, the historical significance of Afghan pop music lies not merely
in the number of songs or the fame of its singers. This music is a cultural
document of a period in which Afghanistan sought to negotiate a balance between
tradition and modernity, national identity and global engagement, local culture
and new technology. The legacy of this period remained in Afghanistan’s
collective memory even after the favorable political and social conditions that
had sustained it collapsed. For this reason, studying Afghan pop music across
these three decades is not merely the study of a musical genre; it is also the
study of a part of Afghanistan’s history of modernity, urbanization, gender,
media, politics, and cultural identity.
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